The Written Spoken and Unspoken Word a Native American Language Arts Text
I is for Ignoble: Stereotyping Native Americans
By Arlene Hirschfelder and Paulette F. Molin
Published February 22, 2018
A mutual belief in the contemporary United States, often unspoken and unconscious, implies that everyone has a right to use Indians as they run across fit; everyone owns them. Indianness is a national heritage; it is a fount for commercial enterprise; it is a costume ane can put on for a party, a youth activity, or a sporting outcome. This sense of entitlement, this expression of white privilege, has a long history, manifesting itself in national narratives, popular entertainments, marketing schemes, sporting worlds, and self-comeback regimes. [1]
From the earliest period of European colonization, images of Indians institute expression in early drawings, engravings, portraiture, political prints, maps and cartouches, tobacconist figures, weather vanes, coins and medals, and books and prints. Initially, depictions of Native males and females were used to symbolize the North American continent in the international iconography of the day, representations that proliferated. The Indian Queen, an emblematic effigy in utilise by the terminate of the sixteenth century, symbolized the Western Hemisphere. Her successor, the Indian Princess, became representative of the American colonies. During the Revolutionary period, America was portrayed every bit a feathered Indian defying British tyranny in printed materials of the day.
As the United States grew, it developed a mythology that helped provide Americans with a laudable national heritage while serving to rationalize the dispossession and conquest of ethnic peoples. As National Museum of the American Indian curator Cécile R. Ganteaume points out, "American Indian imagery has been used by the federal government to distinguish the United States from other nations and to ascertain the nation for its citizens, by U.S. armed forces to express military might, past American corporations to signify integrity and by designers . . . to add luster and cachet to commercial products." [ii]
Institutionalized throughout the nation and exported to other countries, these images and others include dual portrayals of the good Indian (those who assistance Europeans) and the bad Indian (those who resist Europeans), nostalgic vanishing, brave warriors, romantic princesses, and countless ignoble images of brutality and degradation. Such representations obliterate or mask the realities of tribal nations struggling to maintain their populations, lands, resources, and sovereignty.
Questions about ethnic people oft begin with terminology. "At the museums and on social media," Kevin Gover, manager of the National Museum of the American Indian, comments, "people ask at least one time per day when we are going to take 'American Indian' out of our proper noun." [3] Every bit he responds, "Native Americans use a range of words to describe themselves, and all are appropriate. Some people refer to themselves as Native or Indian; near adopt to be known past their tribal affiliation . . . if the context doesn't demand a more than encompassing description." [four] With respect to Canada, Gover notes that "terms such as First Nations and Outset Peoples are preferred." [5]
American Indians are richly diverse, yet all as well oftentimes their public portrayals—in books, advertisements, shop signs, terminology, and even children's toys and games—are greatly at odds with bodily Native peoples and cultures. As the National Congress of American Indians points out, "At that place are 567 federally recognized Indian Nations (variously chosen tribes, nations, bands, pueblos, communities and native villages) in the United States. Approximately 229 of these ethnically, culturally and linguistically various nations are located in Alaska; the other federally recognized tribes are located in 35 other states." [6] In add-on, there are country recognized tribes across the country as well equally other differences.
This essay explores selected themes centered on centuries-old stereotypes of American Indians: "Tomahawks and Knives": Stereotypical Violence; "Words Are Weapons": Linguistic communication Representations; "Stereotypes Sell": Commercialization of Indians; "Self-Shaping": Playing Indian; "Braves" and "Chiefs": Indian Mascots; and "I is for Indian": World of Children. It is illustrated with images from the Jim Crow Museum, drawn from its drove of objects depicting Native Americans and consistent with its goal to tell stories of injustice towards all groups.
"Tomahawks and Knives": Stereotypical Violence
Almost any portrait that we see of an Indian, he is represented with tomahawk and scalping knife in hand, as if they possessed no other but a roughshod nature. Christian nations might with equal justice be always represented with cannon and ball, swords and pistols. [7]
Throughout U. Southward. history, Euro-Americans committed endless acts of violence against Native people. Such acts include extermination or genocide, theft of Indian lands and resources, captivity and enslavement, forced removals from homelands, and schooling aimed at destroying Native cultures.
Violence continues today. A written report past the U.S. Department of Justice shows that "American Indian and Alaska Native women and men endure violence at alarmingly loftier rates." [eight]
In an American Psychiatric Association blog mail, research scientist Melanie Peterson-Hickey observes that high suicide rates among Native Americans are well documented, noting that the "trauma resulting from a history of race-based policy, discrimination and oppression has significant and longstanding impact." [9]
Nevertheless, as Tuscarora Principal Elias Johnson has pointed out, American Indians are represented as fell, with tomahawk and scalping knife in paw. In contrast, Euro-Americans are depicted as innocent victims of savagery, specially from Indian males.
It is believed that European representations of Native people as violent date dorsum to every bit early as 1591, when engraver Theodor DeBry engraved and published artist Jacques LeMoyne's 1564-65 drawing of Indian scalping. Furthermore, from the 17th to the xixth centuries, non-Indian observers portrayed Indians intent on "fell state of war" more vehement than "civilized" combat of European and American governments. Increasingly pulp details of Indian savagery likewise appeared in captivity narratives, published from the 1600s to the 1800s, accounts of non-Indians captured and held prisoner by Indians. Dime novels, inexpensive booklets first marketed in 1859, became pop as well. This bestselling fiction portrayed Indians as savages preying on caught Euro-Americans.
Wild West shows, performed across North America and Europe from the late 1800s into the 20th century, dramatized Indian attacks on stagecoaches and cabins as well every bit mock battles between cavalry and Indians. William "Buffalo Bill" Cody and other showmen, including Plains Indians, drew huge audiences. These shows, and related influences, inspired filmmakers to produce Westerns depicting hordes of Indians attacking Euro-Americans. As a matter of fact, many American Indians were taken captive past non-Indians, tortured, incarcerated, murdered, and expelled into slavery. Because Europeans and Euro-Americans colonists threatened Native peoples, many resisted mightily to defend their families and homelands.
The ongoing perception of Indians every bit dangerous contributes to negative expectations, interactions, and consequences. Thus, Indians are incarcerated at high rates, encounter bigotry and detest crimes, and experience other negative impacts. Stereotyped Indian violence also leads non-Indians to fear Native people.
Nonetheless, the "barbarous nature" representation of Indians, voiced by Elias Johnson, continues to pervade American civilisation via schoolhouse curricula, books and toys, sports teams, media advertisements, and other means. Such representations preclude others from seeing Native people realistically, including in a range of roles, settings, and occupations.
"Words Are Weapons": Language Representations
In contrast to the inane stereotype of the Indian equally soundless, we know from the vast storehouse of our oral traditions that Ancient peoples were peoples of words. Many words. Amazing words. Cultivated words. They were neither wordless nor illiterate in the context of their linguistic and cultural roots. [10]
Although more 300 Native languages existed in what is at present the continental The states, "as unlike from each other as Turkish, English, and Chinese," that number greatly diminished in the backwash of European colonization. [11] Indigenous population loss through disease and war exacted a toll as did ongoing measures to Europeanize and Christianize Native people at the expense of their ain cultures and languages. Such measures included the establishment of mission and government boarding schools to implement English-only and other harsh policies. As federal commissioners wrote, "their cruel dialect should be blotted out and the English language substituted." [12]
With English, a lexicon of words and phrases became entrenched, a shorthand way to refer to all Native people, language reflecting stereotypical attitudes and behaviors. Cruel, pagan, injun, brave, buck, main, redskin, squaw, papoose, and other terms became commonplace. The negative touch was heightened with the addition of adjectives such as wild, muddy, pesky, sneaky, and worse. "In an calumniating society," activist Suzan Shown Harjo points out, "language is a command mechanism . . . and words are weapons used to bespeak status information, such as who are the inferior and superior folks." [thirteen]
"Words such as savage, buck, squaw, and papoose," author Mary Gloyne Byler emphasizes, "do not bring to listen the aforementioned images as do the words human, boy, woman and baby." [fourteen] While some words (squaw, papoose) can exist traced to specific Native languages, they have been removed from their cultural origins and turned into generic, debasing labels. Other terms may accept been benign, simply have been weaponized over time, also by context. Even Pocahontas, the proper noun of a historical effigy, is misused as a slur.
Compounding slurs, media such every bit Hollywood films and Wild West shows contributed to the notion that American Indians, regardless of linguistic background, speak a fictional, substandard version of English language. Variously described every bit Hollywood or Pidgin English language or "Tonto-speak," its grammatical markers include formulaic grammar, including the employ of "um" ("speak-um") and "me" instead of "I" ("me speak-um"). This language became entrenched, endlessly repeated across time and identify. It portrays Indians equally silent and wordless or incapable of speaking proper English or other "civilized" languages.
"Stereotypes Sell": Commercialization of Indians
Stereotypes sell. To this solar day, consumers recognize the stylized Indian chief on cans of Calumet blistering pulverisation and the kneeling Indian maiden on packages of Land O'Lakes butter. [fifteen]
For hundreds of years, merchants take used images of American Indians to annunciate and market merchandise. Products include tobacco, associated with Native Americans, advertised via tobacconist figures, or cigar store Indians, and more. According to author Ralph Sessions, "English language tobacconists were among the first to capitalize upon the epitome of the Native Americans." [16] Figures, intended to stand for the inhabitants of the New Earth, advertised shops carrying the "Indian weed." "The primeval visual evidence of the utilise of a tobacconist figure in America," Sessions notes, appears exterior a tobacco shop depicted in an 1810 watercolor past painter Baroness Hyde de Neuville. [17]
The tobacconist figures, made from wood or cast iron, soon became pop across N America. At get-go, "the female person effigy . . . was by far the more popular, outnumbering male figures four to one." [18] Omnipresent as today's neon signs and billboards, these figures usually appear as generically "Indian." Cigar store Indians and other products associated with tobacco keep to appear across commercial venues.
Marketers also invoked Native associations with herbs and plants to sell medicinal concoctions. Pop during the 1800s, Indian medicine shows, a number featuring Indian or Indian-impersonator performers, pitched a range of patent or proprietary (beyond the counter) nostrums or remedies as cure-alls, among them Kickapoo Indian Salve, Big Main Liniment, and Indian Stomach Bitters. The burgeoning ad manufacture was manifestly instrumental to the rise of medicine shows during the menstruum. As author Brooks McNamara points out, "Nostrum advertising connected to develop on a prodigious scale in nineteenth-century America," with presses pouring forth "a sea of handbills, posters, flyers, costless magazines, trade cards" and more than to promote products. [xix]
Native food associations, too, contributed to companies promoting a range of products using Indian names, titles, and images. "Advertizement objectifies," author Deborah Doxtator notes. "It transforms the image of historical figures such as Tecumseh … and Pontiac into trivial objects that can exist possessed, used up and thrown away." [xx] The same is truthful of commercialization that exploits titles (Big Chief Meat Snacks) and "loanwords" (Squaw Peas). Furthermore, when companies appropriate tribal names like Sioux (Sioux Bee Dearest/Sue Bee Dear), they propose an clan with specific Indian nations.
Once advertisers in America, Japan, and other countries began using images of Native people after the 1850s, historian Daniel Francis writes: "Suddenly images of the Indian were appearing on the pages of mass-apportionment magazines, on billboards, on the shelves at the local supermarket." [21] These images relegate people to a timeless past. "Any appropriation of American Indian images or cultural imagery to sell a product," scholar Victoria E. Sanchez asserts, "amounts to perpetuation of institutionalized racism and is a contributing factor to insensitive stereotypes, prejudice, discrimination, and stigmatization." [22]
"Cocky-Shaping": Playing Indian
While minstrel shows take long been criticized as racist, American children are nonetheless socialized into playing Indian. Columbus Solar day celebrations, Halloween costumes and Thanksgiving reenactments stereotype Ethnic Peoples as one large distorted culture. We are relegated to racist stereotypes and cultural caricatures. [23]
Let's Play Indian, a children'due south book by Madye Lee Chastain, is ane of endless examples of playing Indian, a practice engaged in by outsiders who appropriate, or take on, American Indian identities and cultural ways. Chastain'southward principal grapheme transforms herself into "a really truly dressed-up painted Indian," who runs, whoops, and waves her tomahawk. [24] As columnist Ruth Hopkins notes, "Some folks contend that since it's acceptable to dress up equally a cowboy, they should get a pass for dressing upward as an 'Indian.' Wrong." [25] While children often wearing apparel up to play a cowboy, nurse, or fire fighter, these are occupations. Being American Indian is not a profession or vocation. It is a human identity, tribally specific and integral to Native personhood and nationhood.
Allow's Play Indian is not an isolated example of playing Indian. Actually, the practice has a long history. As scholar Rayna Green writes: "Almost from their very arrival in the Americas, Europeans constitute it useful, perhaps essential, to 'play Indian' in America, to demand that tribal peoples 'play Indian,' and to export the performances back to Europe, where they thrive to appointment." [26] The Boston Tea Party, which helped spark the American Revolution in 1773, is an early case. Sounding war whoops and masquerading equally Mohawks, colonial men boarded ships in Boston Harbor and threw chests of tea overboard to protestation British tea taxes. White males such as these were the showtime of many participants to engage in Indian play. Woodcraft Indians, Camp Burn Girls, Boy Scouts, Wild W and Indian medicine shows, hobbyists, and sports teams are amongst numerous examples. Playing Indian cuts beyond race, class, gender, age, and group affiliations. Some people engage in such "play" temporarily, equally in Halloween costuming, but others advisable Indian names and identities on an ongoing basis.
Playing Indian also extends to depictions of animals dressed as Indians in a variety of products, including books and toys. These portrayals are dehumanizing, suggesting that Native people are creatures of fantasy and not fully man.
Playing Indian with one-size-fits-all images of American Indians is contrary to actual Native peoples, by or present. Such practices prevent other people from learning about, or understanding, Native America. Such "play" masks low per-capita incomes, loftier unemployment, poor health, and other realities. Every bit Philip J. Deloria, author of Playing Indian, points out: "…the ways in which white Americans have used Indianness in artistic cocky-shaping have continued to be pried apart from questions almost inequality, the uneven workings of power, and the social settings in which Indians and not-Indians might actually meet." [27]
"Braves" and "Chiefs": Indian Mascots
Native American mascots accept very footling to do with Native Americans. They practise non, nay, cannot, represent indigenous men and women. Much like blackface, such inventions and imaginings, meant to stand for a racial other, tell us much more about Euro-Americans….They reflect and reinforce the fundamental features of racial and gendered privilege in a settler social club, particularly a sense of entitlement to take and remake without consent and to do and so without the burden of history, the challenges of knowing, or the take chances of penalisation. [28]
A pop version of playing Indian arose in the early part of the twentieth century in organized sports, with team names such as Braves, Chiefs, Indians, Savages, Redskins, and Warriors. These monikers, evoking masculine ideals of bravery and assailment, became widespread at a range of institutions, including G-12 schools, colleges and universities, and amateur and professional person athletic leagues and franchises.
Teams with "Indian" names come up with a variety of practices, among them the adoption of "red-face" mascots costumed every bit Plains Indians, ersatz Indian dances and rituals at halftime, face pigment and feathered headdresses, and the antics of state of war whooping, tomahawk chopping fans. Ring members, drill teams and cheerleaders (including "Indian princesses," "Redskinettes," and the like) contribute to the overall theme. Such representations take become normalized, a familiar part of everyday America. "These images are and so powerful," activist Charlene Teters has testified, "that many non-native people do not run across the states as mod people with a valued history, living culture, language or a future." [29] Challenging such images requires seeing them for what they are (and are non). Writer Dave Zirin, for case, notes: "I started looking into [the Redskins] more after a young girl of Native American ancestry saw the logo on a media binder in my pocketbook and asked me appallingly why 'the man's caput had been chopped off.'" He concluded: "…one time you run into it, you lot tin't unsee information technology." [30]
Team logos, rife with "chopped off" Indian heads, are emblazoned on fields and arenas, programs and memorabilia, and across a range of venues. Audiences, fans or not, are bombarded with radio, television, newspaper, and electronic media coverage. Teams, especially franchises worth billions of dollars, market an astonishing array of commercial products, such as pennants, caps, mugs, plates, notebooks, mascot figures, bobble heads, and even toilet newspaper. Starting with infant wearing apparel and other trade, marketing is aimed at all age groups, the improve to groom fans and proceed revenue flowing into team coffers.
Demeaning "Indian" linguistic communication, too, reinforces imagery, equally in:
Hail to the Redskins.
Hail Victory!
Braves on the warpath.
Fight for old D.C.
Scalp 'um, swamp 'um, we will
Have 'um big score. [31]
Although some teams take denied or sanitized racist versions of fight songs and other representations, the historical record reveals the truth. Through efforts by opponents of Indian mascots, a number of institutions, peculiarly at the M-12 and college levels, have changed a range of practices, including team names. Professional teams such as the Redskins and the Cleveland Indians have been the near resistant to change.
"I is for Indian": World of Children
Just I am hurt and often outraged by how my children experience their Indianness in mainstream America. [32]
The lives of children are saturated with American Indian stereotypes: "I for Indian" in alphabet books, "10 Little Indians" song and dance, plastic "Indian villages," java-can "tom-toms," cardboard totem poles, "Indian" Barbie dolls, Pocahontas costumes, and more. As educator Jim E. Warne has testified, "Today'southward average U.S. education about Indians is reduced to cutting out construction newspaper feathers, coloring book tepees and tomahawks, and Pilgrim hats for Thanksgiving." [33]
Consistent with such instruction, "I for Indian" too ofttimes appears in alphabet blocks, cards, and books. Juxtaposed with objects (A for apple, B for ball), it is as well accompanied by a dancing, whooping, war painted "Indian" and other stereotypical imagery. Besides objectifying Native peoples, "I for Indian" is known to manifest "the anachronistic placement of past-tensed 'Indians' with modern items or settings."[ 34] Such anachronisms contribute to misconceptions well-nigh Native Americans, past or present.
Native people are also treated as objects in counting songs, books, and toys. "X Niggling Indians" is the all-time known case by far, actualization in nursery school curricula, toys, recordings, games, YouTube videos, and theater productions. Written in 1868 every bit "Ten Little Injuns" by songwriter Septimus Winner, this hitting "comic song and chorus" features "injuns" dying past different means "until there were none." [ 35] Adults continue to teach the song, seemingly oblivious to its violent, racist history, counting downwards Indians to annihilation.
Clinical psychologists report that constant encounters with false images result in Native children internalizing stereotypes that interfere with their developing positive self-images and racial identities. Too, researchers have studied the development of racial sensation, attitudes, and feelings in immature children. "The starting time six years of life are important for the development of all social attitudes," psychologist Gordon Allport has written. "A bigoted personality may be well nether mode by the age of 6…." [36] For writer Mary Gloyne Payne Byler, "far from beingness harmless, stereotypes are i of the nigh common manifestations of prejudice and ane of the nigh persistent." [37]
Whatever the source, inaccurate images and information most Native people are specially harmful during children's formative years. In a study by Children NOW, a kid advancement organization examining children'south perceptions of race and class in the media, Native youngsters said they see themselves as "poor," "drunk," "living on reservations," and "an invisible race." [38] The Children NOW study concludes that "Native American youth are concerned about portrayals of their race in the media." [39] Then are endless historians and other educators who object to the maltreatment of Native peoples and cultures. Scholar Michael Dorris puts it bluntly: "To deprive our children (who abound up to become no less deprived adults) access to the wealth and composure of traditional Native American societies is indefensible . . . this treasure trove of experience and intelligence, perfected over tens of thousands of years residence on this continent, is allowed to be eclipsed by dumb, racist drivel." [40]
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Source: https://www.ferris.edu/HTMLS/news/jimcrow/native/homepage.htm